The intensification of the black ghetto in the middle of this century caused a breakdown in the politics of integration. Traditionally, immigrants have almost always been in the minority even in the political districts in which they lived. If they were to succeed politically, therefore, they had to develop coalitions across ethnic lines. These coalitions led to other kinds of mutual cooperation and increased the pace of their integration into the mainstream. By the 1940s, however, black people had been highly segregated. As opposed to other minorities, therefore, their political power came from their ability to vote as a block, under the leadership of powerful black politicians (who then had a stake in the area remaining segregated). In effect, if African Americans wanted political power, they had to "take over" a particular area and dominate its politics. Even today, much of African American political power lies in black segregation. Rather than lead to coalitions, this side effect of segregation leads to mistrust and, ultimately, political marginalization of African Americans.
In the 50s and 60s, the federal government subsidized suburbanization in various ways. Road construction made easy commuting from suburban residence to urban jobs possible. FHA policies guaranteed mortgages and made owning homes in the suburbs possible while (until the mid-60s) discouraging mortgages to inner-city areas. Tax breaks on home mortgages made home owning even easier. While this relieved housing pressure in the cities and therefore allowed for physical expansion of ghettos, the color line was maintained despite massive population shifts to the suburbs. At each point between 1940 and 1970, whites and blacks lived in essentially separate worlds. Due in part to FHA policies and in part to racism, discrimination by realtors and bankers was institutionalized and—as mentioned above—continues into the present (although there has been some improvement in the 1990s).
Finally, of course, white people just move out. Studies have shown that while the vast majority of African Americans desire to live in integrated neighborhoods, they would not choose to be the only black family or one of very few black residents in an otherwise white neighborhood. There is still a very real fear of harassment and violence. African Americans tend to see the most desirable mix, therefore, as something approximating 50-50. Most whites, on the other hand, will not choose to move into integrated neighborhoods. Studies have shown, in fact, that whites begin to move out of their
own neighborhoods once the percentage of black residents grows above 10%. To over-simplify, once the percentage of black residents is enough that blacks can feel comfortable living there, white people move out.
The consequences of segregation are insidious. Because of their history, the persistent discrimination, and the fewer opportunities, African Americans are, as a group, poorer than other Americans. Segregation then forces African Americans to live in neighborhoods that are more likely to have higher than average concentrations of poor people. Segregation
concentrates poverty,
13 thus intensifying its force.
To take only a single example of the deleterious effect of concentrated poverty, the physical appearance of a neighborhood is thereby threatened. Individuals have fewer resources to maintain their property, and buildings will begin to show signs of physical disrepair. But, "studies suggest that property owners are extremely sensitive to [these small signs]" and will view them as a "signal that the neighborhood is going 'downhill,'"
14 leading to more disinvestment, further physical deterioration, and so on in a vicious cycle.
Poverty tends to be self-reinforcing, so people born into poorer neighborhoods have a higher probability of becoming poor themselves.
Footnotes
13 African Americans compose approximately 12% of the population. If there were no segregation at all and if the rate of white poverty were 10% and the rate of black poverty 20%, then the average rate of poverty would be 11.2%. Given complete racial segregation, however, the rate in black neighborhoods would be 20% (not taking into account class segregation in the United States that intensifies the problem).
14 Massey and Denton,
American Apartheid, p. 131
